cost realism Essays - Design Of Experiments, Evaluation Methods

Quantitative research as specified by (Creswell, 2009) has historical precedents for viewing a theory as a scientific prediction or explanations for different ways of understanding theory and how it constrains thought. The simplistic characteristic of a quantitative study is to define variables of a hypothesis. Once the method of research is determined, the next is to the research design. Essentially, how will you collect your data. In the quantitative research there are two designs to implement, experimental and non-or quasi-experimental. The design tools for these two types of patterns in quantitative research are pretests, control groups, and time series (Swanson The key components of an experimental design involve the random assignment to a treatment or a control group. In contrast the quasi-experimental design is done when random assignments to treatment and control conditions are not possible this is indicative in an organizational setting. The following two articles are representative of the two stated designs. Experimental Design: This experimental article is the basis for my dissertation. This article is representative of the post-positivist tradition, that knowledge is object and quantifiable. The findings are based on prior research of the market?s reaction to the Dodd-Frank bill as it graduated through the legislative process into law. Several papers examined empirically the market?s performance against key relevant events in the banking reform legislative processes. The purpose of this research is to expand on the previous research by incorporating more sample data, a larger sample; also gauged the reaction of the banking industries based on size, and finally also in the sample date included not just banks but saving and loans and bank holding companies.

The alchemist and the odyssey essays

The alchemist and the odyssey essays In the Odyssey and The Alchemist there are many dangers and challenges that the two heroes must brave. The Odyssey is about a man named Odysseus who fought in the Trojan war for ten years. After the war was over Odysseus years tries to find his way home to Ithaca but it takes him ten years to do so, because the gods dont exactly like him. In the Alchemist there is a young man named Santiago who has a dream about treasure. He eventually pursues his dream and in the end finds out that there really is no treasure. The books are about someone finding their place in the world or finding their way home. A reason is that in both books they are trying to find their way home. Another is that at the end of their journeys they both have someone their waiting for them. Also both the characters in both the stories both have and end destinations. At the end of the Alchemist, Santiago finds out that the treasure was the journey itself. In the Odyssey the whole book is about Odysseus trying to find his way home to his family and to his island. Though there are many obstacles that they both must overcome. One obstacle that Santiago over came was that soon after Santiago landed in Africa he met a thief who stole all his money but Santiago managed to get by, by working for a crystal merchant. Also in the Odyssey Odysseus was faced with many challenges by the gods that in the end he managed to overcome. Once Odysseus was going to sail by the island of the sirens, so he stuffed his soldiers ears with bees wax and had them tie him to a sail on his ship. At the end of both of their journeys there is someone waiting for them. In the Alchemist at the end of Santiagos journey there is a man there who makes him realize that the journey was the treasure. He makes Santiago realize this by telling him that he had a dream about a treasure being buried under a tree in a church where shepherds sleep. In the Odyssey waiting for Odysseus ...

BRAPS Coursework Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

BRAPS - Coursework Example It is focusing on developing branches in rural areas as well (Barclays.com- About Us, 2011). The main products offered by the company include commercial banking, retail banking, private equity, investment management, and investment banking. They have also introduced the latest service of trading iShares (Barclays.com- Products and Services, 2011). Barclays is managed by Marcus Agius, the team director who joined the company’s board in 2006 replacing Mathew Barrett as chairperson in 2007 (Barclays.com- About Us, 2011). The Barclays Vision is dedicated to being the international premier financial and banking services. They focus on obtaining superior financial and functional outcomes while keeping the international business standard. These unchanging anticipations offer the basis for our dedication to those with whom we associate. Barclays’ mission statement is to be creative, client-based Group, which delivers excellent products and services, make sure superb careers for our people, and participate actively to the society in which we work and live (Barclays.com- Executing our Strategy, 2011). Barclays bank has more than 2000 UK high street branches along with the Woolwich branches. Internationally, Barclays has more than 5200 branches with most 24/7 cash machine that can be used by Barclays clients as well as other customers at a fee. There are around 150,000 employees working at Barclays throughout the world. Barclays has an international market share as well as the local market share. This is an international corporation and, therefore, it operates worldwide. The financial data for the year 2010 is that the company boosted of 31.440 billion pounds, while their operating income was 6.065 billion pounds (Barclays.com – Annual report, 2011). The top competitors of Barclay bank include American Express Company, Capital One Financial Corporation, and Alliances Data Systems Corporation.

Business Ethics Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 37

Business Ethics - Essay Example For example, the level of pollution may vary but that does not mean that pollution is not experienced by either of the States. Differences in ethics are mainly based on professional cultures, laws, organizational culture, and human resource systems. In the United States, for instance, bribery to acquire a business is forbidden. In other countries, no business transaction can be conducted without bribery. In others, money obtained from bribery is tax deductible. In Asia giving business, gifts imply value for business relationships and convey respect. In the United States, such moves may not be necessary. Some might even consider it as a bribe to influence judgement. A code of ethics can be established for the global market through research. This will be achieved by gathering information about cultural requirements on different countries. These requirements can then be modified so that they are applicable to different business circumstances. Similarity with American code of business ethics will be professionalism such as proper communication channels. The difference will incorporate different cultural expectations. The first measure that should be taken in case an organization offends a foreign culture is to establish the nature of conflict by understanding the history of cultures. Expectations of different cultures greatly affect transactions. It is, therefore, important to understand cultural bases that define ethical behaviour. The second step requires conducting research about foreign ethical guidelines prior to getting into business. This knowledge acquired combined with good managerial skills can rectify an organization’s reputation. Finally, the offended party can be given the fundamental right to choose, and other advantages over the organization hence maintain integrity (Kent, 2014). Ethical frameworks greatly differ in the global business market hence making it difficult to distinguish practices

Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria Essay Example for Free

Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria Essay This development was heralded as an avenue to usher in democratic stability and good governance. However, contrary to widespread expectations, the post-military regime became an avenue for the explosion of violent ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria. As a matter of fact, since the emergence of democracy in May 1999, not less than one hundred ethnically and religiously instigated conflicts have occurred in Nigeria which resulted in loss of lives and unquantifiable material and psychological damage. Drawing from documentary research and findings, this paper probes the persistent spate of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria and its harmful implications on democratic consolidation in Nigeria. It investigates the history, causes and manifestations of ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria and maintains that unbridled lust for power, corruption, religious intolerance and the failure of the government to deliver democratic dividends, have resulted in these conflicts between ethnic and religious groups in the country. In the light of all these then, can democracy thrive in an atmosphere of crises? Can Nigeria come out of ethno-religious conflicts? If so, what steps can the government take to rein in the menace of these crises? Finally, the paper provides submissions for curbing this social epidemic, which has become a permanent feature of the Nigerian social polity. Keywords: Nigeria, Ethno-religious, Crises, Democracy, Development Introduction Democracy could be said to be a seed: when you sow bountifully, you reap bountifully. Thus, one of the dividends of democracy, which Nigerians have reaped in abundance since the transfer of power from the military to the civilians on May 29, 1999, is the rising wave of ethno-religious conflicts with devastating and untold consequences on lives and property (Jega, 2007: 116). Nigeria is a very populous nation in Africa with diverse cultural heritage. In fact, the country has a population of over 140 million and over 400 ethnic groups belonging to different religious sects as well (Salawu, 2010: 345). Since the attainment of independence, Nigeria has remained a multi-ethnic nation, which has been grappling with the problem of ethnicity on the one hand and that of ethno-religious conflicts on the other hand. At the inception of independence, for administrative expediency the various ethnic factions were fused and merged together by the colonialists. Then, the colonial masters left and things started falling apart, the center no longer held. No ethnic group desired to see the other. Little wonder then that the former Secretary of State at the British Colonial Office (1952-1959), Sir Peter Smitters regretted the action taken by the British to merge diverse ethnic groups into one in Nigeria. According to Ali (2004) cited in Adebayo (2010: 214), he was reported to have lamented that it was extremely dangerous to force diverse radical and social entities into single rigid political structure. However, that statement was medicine after death; the deed had been done. Indeed, a conglomerate of almost four hundred ethnic groups, each having its distinct history, language, culture and political systems before the colonial rule, all preserved in mitigated forms with the British system of governance super-imposed and named Nigeria really had future implications for unity. The colonial administration, for administrative convenience, compressed and merged the various ethnic groups in their respective regions, making Hausa/Fulani, Igbo, and Yoruba the major ethnic groups and reinforced the three political/administrative divisions – the north, the east, and the west, under appropriate constitutional arrangement. At independence and post independence era, the status-quo of the colonial era was retained under that infantile freedom, with every group retaining its tradition, language, and culture while sharing the common central institutions in a federal arrangement (Adebayo, 2010: 214). As a result, these major ethnic groups, because of their opportunistic positions were seen as consistently dominating the political and economic scene before and after the attainment of independence in 1960 and this led to agitations for state creation by the other â€Å"minor† ethnic groups who saw themselves as the marginalized groups. However, the more states were created, the more the complaints of marginalization and inequality by the new minorities against the new majorities in each state (Abdullahi and Saka, 2007). Consequently, the proliferation of ethno-religious and political turbulence in the country is therefore necessitated on the one hand by cultural, communal and religious differences and on the other hand by fear of domination nursed by the minority groups. As if what constitutes the federalism is not satisfied, there have been agitations for reversing back to the old regional autonomy of the different groups for the purpose of determining the pace of their development and control of their respective resources. These pernicious phenomena of ethnicity and religious intolerance led to the incessant surge of ethno-religious conflicts, which gave birth to the many ethnic militias today like the O’dua People’s Congress (OPC) put in place by the Yoruba in the south-western part of the country to fight for the protection and defence of Yoruba in Nigeria; the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), fighting for the cessation of the Igbo ethnic tribe in Nigeria; the Bakassi Boys; the Egbesu Boys; the Ijaw Youth Congress (IYC), the Igbo Peoples’ congress (IPC); the Arewa People’ Congress (APC) and the Ohaneze Ndigbo among others. This might probably be the feeling of Elaigwu (2005: 12) when he writes †¦the violent protests in the Niger-Delta over perceived injustice in resource distribution; the Itsekiri-Ijaw violence in the Delta; the resumption of the Ife-Modakeke communal violence; the menace of Odu’a Peoples’ Congress (OPC) and the accompanying violence in Lagos and Shagamu areas; the formation of the Arewa Peoples’ Congress (APC) and the Igbo Peoples’ Congress (IPC); the MASSOB feeble attempt to resuscitate Biafra; the Sharia crisis and the demands for a confederation; the South-South demand for the control of its resources; and all the recent interethnic/religious conflicts in various states across the country are all part of the bubbles of the Nigerian federation. They are based on the historical structures of mutual fears and suspicions among Nigerian groups in a competitive process. They reflect dissatisfaction of Nigerian groups with the state of the federation. With the emergence of all these ethnic militias and the deep divide between the various ethnic groups, religious intolerance became more violent and bloody with more devastating results using the ethnic militias as the executing platforms of ethno-religious agenda. Federalism thought to be an approach to national unity, resulted to anarchy in the country. A number of steps were taken to at least mend the disunity and disarray prevalent then and promote unity among the various ethnic groups. These included the establishment of federal institutions in some states of the federation, promotion of national cultural and sporting activities, and, more significantly, the National Youth Service Programme (NYSC), just to mention a few (Adebayo, 2010). Although these steps yielded pockets of successes in achieving national unity, the â€Å"unholy† marriage of convenience of the ethnic groups still begs for irrevocable divorce. While the ethnic rivalry held sway, religious pluralism, which culminated in many crises, shook the country to its very roots. The pernicious effect of this trend is not entirely surprising given the fact that religion is so sensitive to Nigerians that many are not only ready to defend it at all costs, but are ready to die for it. Hence, religious pluralism which resulted in religious intolerance was fused with ethnic rivalry, producing the recurrent spate of ethno-religious crises. And because of the violent nature of ethno-religious conflicts, which often take the form of riots, sabotage, assassinations, lynching and maiming, kidnappings, armed struggles, guerilla warfare and secession in Nigeria, they undoubtedly pose dangerous threats to democracy in Nigeria and Africa as a whole. Yes, as Jega (2007: 116) truthfully stated, the genetically engineered seeds of democracy planted by our colonial masters and further successive military regimes have grown to mature crops for harvest. Instead of democracy yielding peace, stability and security to lives and property, it seems to have yielded a return, full circle spate of ethno-religious conflicts and violent eruptions. Thus, the discussion of ethno-religious conflicts in whatever context becomes all the more necessary given the fact that there is a phenomenal recurrence of these conflicts around the nation thereby increasing its threat level to democratic consolidation in Nigeria. It is against this backdrop that this paper attempts to probe the history, manifestations and implications of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria since the dawn of democratic dispensation. Causes of Ethno-Religious Crises in Nigeria According to Awolowo (1990: 35), the notion of Nigeria as â€Å"a mere geographic expression† was engendered by the forceful packaging by colonial authoritarian fiat of unwilling communities of diverse origin and culture under the same polity. Consequently, relations and political behavior of the peoples are characterized by mutual suspicion and invidious hatred since they are strange bed-fellows, who were only coerced into the nation-state via amalgamation. Until 1960, Nigeria was a British colony. Like most colonies, it was not constructed for internal coherence, but rather for the administrative convenience of the British (Shively, 1997: 39). Over 400 different languages and dialects are spoken within its borders, and there is also an important religious split, as the north is primarily Muslim and the south is predominantly Christian, making her not only at ethno-religious crossroads but also at linguistic crossroads. As diverse as these ethnic groups are, they are also not accommodative of each other’s religion and professions of faith. This state of intolerance has added up to fuel the spate of crises in Nigeria. It should be noted that religion has always been the platform for frontal expressions of ethnic aggressions and conflict. Hence, ethnocentric politics, sectional solidarity and primordial interests became prominent features in the nation’s political practice. Sectional and individual virtues and interest rather than collective virtues and national unity are advanced and exalted. Thus, communal orientation precluded any attachment to the state and the syndrome of the ‘son of the soil’ took preference over merit and competence in the choice of policies and leaders. Although as Obasanjo and Mabogunje (1992: 4) aptly observed, colonialism provided scaffolding of holding the different communities together, not much change was achieved in altering communal mentality and predilection. Nonetheless, the persistent military incursion into government and politics did much harm for the body polity as national issues was mostly tribalized and primordial virtues extolled. These regimes had primordial outlook and sub-national mentality under which the northern part of the country was favoured brazenly, on one hand, and the southern part was deliberately dealt with in terms of appointments, contracts, location of government establishments, political oppression and repression as well as provision of social services and infrastructures. As a result, ethnic sectarianism has left a trail of destructive violence and even threatened the territorial integrity of Nigeria (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2001). Indeed, after long years of authoritarian rule, when the military clique and their civilian collaborators privatized the Nigerian state (Ukiwo, 2003), politicians in the emergent Fourth Republic were all too anxious to claim control of the state and its oil wealth as well. This thus led to an unbridled competition for political relevance and spheres of interests among politicians, especially in the context of the division of the country into geopolitical zones, states and local governments and the fact that distribution of benefits among the political class depended on the ability of each member of the ruling class to deliver his constituency. This lust for power has led to the neglect of the needs of the masses and the demand for peaceful co-existence. Instead, the rulers continue to enrich their pockets through corrupt dirty means and seek for elongation of tenures for selfish gains. In the circumstance, ethnicity, religion and other sectarian identities are exploited, resulting in avoidable violent conflicts among component units of the country. The persistence of mass poverty and increasing income inequality, largely as a result of the transformation of the fortunes of politicians and their allies from jobless neighbors to emergency billionaires in less than two years after capturing power, have deepened popular alienation. It has also called into question the legitimacy since 1999. Consequently, some of the easiest things to do in contemporary Nigeria are to mobilize an assassin, vigilante, ethnic-cum-religious militia, rioter, crowd or rented pro-government demonstrator. The result could only be imagined. The power lust of the political cliche is one of the perceived causes of ethno-religious crises in Nigeria. Another reason responsible for ethno-religious crises in Nigeria is the wrong interpretation by those who claim authority to the understanding of the holy books. If not so, one wonders why people act contrary to the teaching of the holy books (whether the Quran or the Bible) in matters pertaining to peaceful co-existence, unity and sanctity of life, and property. As it is a serious disease for someone who does not have a full grasp of the interpretation of any of the holy books to claim authority to knowledge, many of the so called ‘religious leaders’ use their shallow knowledge to put up interpretations to suit their selfish ends banking on the ignorance of their followers. Lamenting on the wide gap between the teaching and practice of religion among its adherents, Adebayo (2003) cited in Adebayo (2010: 219) identified some factors responsible for using religion as instrument of polarization, among which is leadership tussle, which also culminated in the proliferation of many denominations in the country. Also, sectarian jingoism, as well as excessive patriotism to one’s religious sect, which consequently transformed to fanaticism, is another major factor contributing to this social menace. Salawu (2010) also noted that the failure of the Nigerian leaders to establish good governments, forge national integration and promote what can be called real economic progress, through deliberate and articulated policies, has led to mass poverty and unemployment. This has resulted into communal, ethnic, religious and class conflicts that have now characterized the Nigerian nation. Poverty and unemployment have therefore served as nursery bed for many ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria because the country now has a reservoir of poor people who warmongers as mercenary fighters. What this means theoretically is that poverty and unemployment increase the number of people who are prepared to kill or be killed for a given course at token benefit. This explains why all ethno-religious crises that ever occurred in Nigeria have a large turnout of people (including the under-aged) as fighters. Lastly and very importantly, and not the least, the ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria also have some historical antecedent (Salawu, 2010). This is because many governmental actions during the colonial rule and after independence encouraged, to a large extent, the sowing of the seeds of ethno-religious conflicts that are found to be rampant in the Nigerian nation today. Over the years, many events in Nigeria have led to the politicization of mistrust, intolerance, violence and acrimonious relations between the mainly Moslem north and the Christian south of Nigeria. To this extent, there has been an unfortunate insertion of ethno-religious discrimination and incompatibility in the structures of the Nigerian State since the colonial period. The political events of the January 15, 1966 coup and the July 1966 counter-coup further entrenched ethno-religious configuration in Nigeria. This is because the killings and counter-killing that followed the coups which took ethnic and religious colorations as the Muslim dominated tribes in the north were set against the Christian-dominated tribes of the southern region.

Ideal Image of Nature in William Wordsworths The World is Too Much With Us :: World Is Too Much With Us

Ideal Image of Nature The World Is Too Much with Us by William Wordsworth represents modern humanity's lost spiritual connection with nature, in which he believed could only be preserved in memory. This poem is a sonnet that through images and metaphors offers an angry summation of the theme of communion with nature. Wordsworth repeats the fatalistic theme of humanities progress at the cost of preserving nature throughout the sonnet. The symbolism created by the images and metaphors represent Wordsworth's deep passion about the conflict between nature and modern progress. William Wordsworth was raised amid the mountains in a rustic society and spent a great deal of his childhood outdoors, in what he would later remember as a pure communion with nature. The life style that he led as a child brought him to the belief that, upon being born, human beings move from a perfect, idealized realm of nature into the destructive ambition of adult life (Phillips). Wordsworth's deep cynicism to the materialistic ambition of the Industrial Revolution during the early nineteenth century is evident in this sonnet. Images and metaphors alluding to mankind's greed, nature's innocence, and the speaker's rejection of accepted principles all serve to illustrate the speaker's passion to save the decadent era of the early 1800s. The first part, the octave, of "The World Is Too Much with Us" begins with Wordsworth accusing the modern age of having lost its connection to nature and everything meaningful: "Getting and spending, we lay waste our powers; /Little we see in Nature that is ours; /We have given our hearts away, a sordid boon" (2-4)! The idea that Wordsworth is trying to make clear, is that human beings (adults) are too preoccupied in the material value of things ("The world┘getting and spending" (1-2)) and have lost their spiritual connection with Mother Nature (childhood). "Little we see in Nature that is ours;" (3) Wordsworth is expressing that nature is not a commodity to be exploited by humans, but should coexist with humanity, and "We have given our hearts away, a sordid boon" (4)! he pronounces that in our materialistic lifestyles, nothing is meaningful anymore. He says that even when the sea "bares her bosom to the moon" (5) and the winds howl, humanity is still out of tune. These lines (5-7) suggest that nature is helpless and unknown to the destruction man is doing. "For this, for everything, we are out of tune;" (8) proposes that even in the spectacle of a storm, human beings (adults) look on uncaringly implying that we, humans, don't realize the damage we are inflicting on helpless nature.

Majority Rule In The Bahamas

59 Novembers ago three men came together and form the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP). They were Henry Milton Taylor, William. W. Cartwright, Cyril St. John Stevenson. They began meeting regularly discussing the pros and cons. They invited 7 men to join them but only 6 accepted the invitation. Henry Taylor was the Chairman, William was the treasurer and Cyril became the secretary. The party progressed in Nassau and decided to include the outer islands. When sir. Lynden Piddling came home from law school he joined the PLP party and that was the beginning of the road to majority rule.Sir Lynden Pindling, Randol Fawkes, Auther Hanna, Sir. Milo Butler Sr, Clarence Bain, Samuel Isaacs, and many other women and men planned and strategized to free there people from colonize. At that time racial segregation was a way of life in The Bahamas. The ‘blacks’ were referred to as coloured people. They were schools were coloured children were not allowed to enter. They were places like hotels, shops, and restaurants were colour people were not allowed to dine. There were also churches where coloured people were not allowed to sit in the same pews as the whites.In January 1954 the PLP held its first public meeting. In 1956 there was the first election. The Bay Street Boys started to get scared that they were going to lose so they called the U. S. A policemen saying a Negro colonist party was trying to take over The Bahamas. A group of woman led by Jorgina Symonette and others fundraised to raise funds for the PLP. The PLP did not have enough funds to have fish fries, grocery baskets, free liquor and parties to try and bribe the people like the Bay Street Boys did. The PLP would pass around hats at meetings to try to raise funds but it was not enough.The Bay Street Boys gave out free money to the people for their votes. They would tear the money in half and give half before the election and the other after if they voted freely. On election eve the white candidate fo r Grand Bahama from the UBP paid the black candidate 1000 pounds to drop out. In the 1965 election 6 PLP candidates were elected. They were Sir. Lynden Pindling, Randol Fawkes, Samuel Isaacs, Sir. Milo Butler, Cyril Stevenson and Clarence Bain; they were called the magnificent six. In 1958 a dispute broke out over the carrying of visitors from the new Nassau airport at Windsor field.Tour companies had been formed by the Bay Street Boys edging out the Taxi drivers. On January 12 1958 there was a strike that broke that was very dramatic and successful. On November 1st 1957 the taxi cab union under the leadership of Sir, Clifford Darling and others blocked all traffic to and from Nassau’s international airport for hours while the commissioner officers looked on helplessly. Struggle To achieve Majority Rule On January 13 1958, every hotel and business was closed down completely. The PLP led a boycott along Bay Street. The workers went on strike and cried out â€Å"Not a sweat un til our demands are met†.On January 19, 1959 Doris Johnson had asked to address the House of Assembly and lead a group of woman to declare to vote. They were denied sir Stafford Sands by him saying â€Å"over his dead body’. On July 31 1961 the grant of the Woman’s Suffrage Movement was passed and women were able to vote. The PLP government began the dynamic thrust for educational change in The Bahamas by making secondary education available to all Bahamians in 1967. This was key to removing the scales of ignorance from eyes of a people through a massive commitment to educate.The late Sir Cecil Wallace Whitfield, one of the members of the first majority rule Cabinet, was given the task to improve and Bahamianize the educational system. Huge capital expenditures were made to multiply and upgrade primary and secondary schools, to institute technical education and train new Bahamian teachers. The government’s White Paper on Education provided for the impleme ntation of broad parameter involving teachers, parents and students, and was supportive of the high ideals with the government advocated – self-help, equality, the dignity of labour and service responsibility and co-operation.The establishment of the PLP government also brought about a new outlook on economic development. The objective was directed towards opening up greater economic and social opportunities for the citizens of The Bahamas and for greater flexibility of the economy. One of the major battles to achieve this objective was making Freeport Grand Bahama, safe and desirable for all Bahamians. During the 1970s, the PLP government launched the â€Å"Social Revolution,† which included the introduction of the National Insurance Scheme, a system of social security, which is continuing with a massive low cost housing programme.The PLP government also moved to improve the delivery of health care by adding an extension to the Princess Margaret Hospital, upgrading an d building new polyclinics throughout New Providence and the Family Islands. On April 27th 1965 was Black Tuesday. A crowd of PLP supporters lead by the PLP chairman marched from Windsor Park to Bay Street and assembled in the front of the House of Assembly. Inside the House the PLP members lead by Pindling strongly opposed the revision of the bounties draft order. He advocated a national registration of voters.Outside the House of Assembly the PLP supporters cried out â€Å"Amend, Amend â€Å", â€Å"Shame and Scandal in The House†. Sir Lynden, then Leader of the Opposition, during the heated debate over the issue of boundaries but in a carefully orchestrated move got up and threw the Mace, the Speaker’s symbol of authority, out of the window of the House of Assembly. He declared â€Å"The authority of this Island belongs to the people â€Å"and threw the mace out of the window. â€Å"Yes, people outside and mace belongs outside to. † He shouted. After that Sir Milo Butler got up and threw the two hour glass that were used to time to speakers out of the window.The UPB watched surprisingly. Sir Lynden Pindling then led the crowd singing the song â€Å"We Shall Overcome†. ACHIEVEING Majority Rule An election was then called on January 10th, 1967. This was because in the Bible in the book of Exodus the Lord said he will free the children of Egypt on the tenth day of the first month. January 10th, 1967 was neither an end nor even a beginning. Instead, it was an important milestone in a journey that was begun centuries ago when some anonymous slave struck a blow for freedom for the first time. We pause to pay homage to the personalities and players in this epic struggle.In a hard fought and competitive election in 1967, the PLP delivered the following 18 members to a 38-member House of Assembly. They were: Lynden Pindling, Preston Albury, Clarence Bain, Milo Butler, Clifford Darling, Elwood Donaldson, Arthur Foulkes, Carlton Francis , Arthur Hanna, Warren Levarity, Curtis MacMillan, Uriah McPhee, Maurice Moore, Edmund Moxey, Jimmy Shepherd, George Thompson, Jeffrey Thompson and Cecil Wallace Whitfield. Randol Fawkes who successfully ran as Labour in 1962 and 1967 with the support of the PLP threw his support behind the PLP and became a member of the first Majority Rule cabinet.He figured prominently in the movement toward Majority Rule. Successful Independent candidate Sir Alvin Braynen threw in his lot with the PLP and accepted the post of Speaker of the House. These two warriors for justice and freedom tipped the proverbial scale in favour of the PLP and the first Majority Rule cabinet was formed: This distinguished group consisted of Cecil Wallace-Whitfield, Milo Butler, Arthur Hanna, Clarence Bain, Jeffrey Thompson, Carlton Francis, Randol Fawkes, Warren Levarity, Curtis McMillan, Clement T. Maynard and Lynden Pindling.